Intensional verbs in event semantics

ly, ‘as such’, following ‘Superman’ in ( 2 a), that is, if ( 2 a) means ( 3 ) Lois believes that Superman, as such, can fly. Here ‘such’ refers not to the name ‘Superman’, but by a kind of deferred ostension, through the name to something associated with it. Of course, there is no need to deny that ( 2 a) can also be understood in a way that legitimizes substitution, or in the standard jargon, that ( 2 a) has a transparent reading. But where the orthodox account of the transparent reading would appeal to the idea of relative scoping possibilities for the attitude verb and the name, with the transparent reading being the one where the name is not within the scope of the verb, the account of transparency implied by hidden indexical semantics is simply the absence of hidden indexicals. This is to the advantage of the semantics, since names are scopally inert in other cases (e.g., with modal, tense and negation operators), and it is not straightforward to make them scopally active in attitudeascriptions in a plausible way. The same idea of an implicit ‘as such’ is applicable to cases that do not involve intensional verbs. Jennifer Saul has noted that in examples like ( 4 ) a. Clark entered the phone-booth and Superman emerged b. Superman has more success with women than Clark we have an intuition of substitution-failure almost as strong as we have for ( 2 a) (Saul 1997 , 1999 ). A hidden indexical account is applicable even in the absence of an intensional verb, and ( 4 a), for example, has a di ff erent literal meaning from